Wednesday, 1 September 2010
Mná Na hEireann
Siobhan O'Hanlon
by James Hume
Amongst the plethora of Irish Martyrs and heroes, few stand out as much in recent years as Siobhan O'Hanlon.
Siobhan was an Irish Republican Army Volunteer, Sinn Féin activist and assistant to Gerry Adams. She was born in 1963 to a working-class Republican family in North Belfast. Among her relatives was the
IRA hero, Joe Cahill.
While growing up in Belfast, her home was routinely attacked and her brother, Rory, was murdered by Pro-British thugs. She later became an Óglach in the IRA and was first jailed in 1983 on explosive charges.
In the late 1990s she was among the Sinn Féin delegation to Downing Street in preparation of the Good Friday Agreement negotiations. She also visited South Africa, where a memorial to the Hunger Strikers was unveiled
by Nelson Mandela.
Siobhan was a great humanitarian and in her later life she helped found the West Belfast Festival, Feile an Phobail and worked with Young people and those with Down Sydrome. After being diagnosed with Breast Cancer,
she turned her great organising skills to raising awareness about Breast Cancer.
Siobhan passed on from Cancer on April 11th 2006, a sad day in modern Irish History. An activist in the mould of Markiewicz, Drumm and Nugent had been lost. Over 1000 people attended her funeral, where amongst others
Gerry Adams and Danny Morrison paid tribute.
Gerry Adams; We could say that she went before she got to do all the things she wanted to do. But, is é sin an saol.
Maybe it isn't the length of our lives - it's what we do with our lives that counts. It's the difference we make to the lives of others that counts. Siobhan packed three or four different lives into one. She made a huge difference in the lives of many, many people. There was her life as a child and a young nationalist from a strong republican family ˆ growing up in north Belfast. There was her life in the IRA. There was her life as a political prisoner. Her life as a Sinn Féin activist. Her life as a mother and a wife.
And here is a poem that was read at her funeral:
For all that is done and said.
We know their dream; enough
To know they dreamed and are dead;
And what if excess of love
Bewildered them till they died?
I write it out in a verse -
MacDonagh and MacBride
And Connolly and Pearse
Now and in time to be,
Wherever green is worn,
Are changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.
Thursday, 22 April 2010
Óglach Billy Carson RIP
Billy Carson, from the Cliftonville Road area, was born on 19th February 1947. Originally from the Lower Falls, Billy, the third child and eldest son in a family of 11 children, was educated at St Peter’s Primary School, Raglan Street. He played hurling and Gaelic football for the school team and was a swimming enthusiast. He always retained his love for playing hurley and even after leaving school in 1962, when he went to work as a dock labourer, he still found time to turn out regularly to play for the Sarsfields hurling team.
In 1967 he married and moved to live in the Cliftonville area. Both of Billy’s parents, Margaret and Samuel were staunch Republicans, Samuel being interned between 1942 and 1945 in Crumlin Road and Derry Jail. Billy himself joined the Republican Movement in late 1970 while the IRA were reorganising in the aftermath of ‘the Split’.
Although living in the North of the city, Billy spent a great amount of his time in the Lower Falls, where he was active in ‘D’ Company, 2nd Battalion. A courageous fighter, Billy was also scrupulously security conscious, and whilst continually remaining highly active he was one of the very few who evaded internment or even arrest on suspicion of being an IRA Volunteer right up until the time of his death.
Billy died in the early hours of Wednesday, 25th April 1979, only hours after being shot by loyalist gunmen as he entered his house in Rosevale Street off the Cliftonville Road. Two assassins had called at his house earlier that evening but when his children, Stephanie and Jim, explained that their parents had gone out, they left. One hour later, they returned and sat with the children in the house until, at 11:30pm, Billy and his wife Annie returned home. The gunmen met him at the door and shot him several times before disappearing into a nearby loyalist stronghold.
Rest In Peace, Billy
Wednesday, 14 April 2010
Adams Give Keynote Address In Derry
A chairde, Tá mé lán sásta seasamh anseo libh trathnona seo.
I want to welcome you all here this evening.
Sinn Féin held the first of these Town Hall meetings just before the Special Ard Fheis on Policing in 2007.
We have held them each year since.
Sinn Féin is the only party which consciously holds a democratic public dialogue with citizens.
These meetings are an important opportunity for Sinn Féin to report back to you on the work that has taken place in the previous year; to listen to your views; and to set out some of the work that lies ahead.
I am pleased to be here in Derry this evening for the first of the series of the Town Hall meetings for 2010.
Derry holds a special place in the hearts of Belfast republicans.
The stand taken in the late 1960's by citizens in this city against discrimination and injustice, and for civil rights, was an inspiration.
Duke Street and the Battle of the Bogside are just two of the events in that period which remain strong in our memories.
Those were exceptional times - unprecedented times - and then, and in the years since many ordinary people made extraordinary sacrifices and displayed great courage in pursuit of equality and justice and freedom and Irish unity.
Yesterday we had another significant step forward with the appointment by the Assembly of a Minister of Justice
Taken with agreement at Hillsborough several months ago and the transfer of powers on policing and justice, all of this marks further important progress as a result of the peace process.
Earlier this week I wrote to SDLP leader Margaret Ritchie inviting her to meet with me to discuss co-operation between our parties in the upcoming British General Election.
I proposed that the agenda should include the need to co-operate in specific constituencies to ensure as far as possible that unionism does not increase its share of Westminster seats.
It was my intention to propose that Sinn Féin would stand aside in South Belfast in return for the SDLP standing aside in Fermanagh South Tyrone.
In a letter today Margaret Ritchie rejected the approach by Sinn Féin to maximise nationalist representation.
This confused, narrow minded, ill-judged position has marked the SDLP stance in recent times.
Their approach has been dictated not by what is good for nationalists or for the peace process, but by their antipathy toward Sinn Féin.
If the Shinners are for it - the SDLP have to be against it.
And they make the most outrageous claims in order to bolster a shallow and largely ineffectual political record of achievement.
Remember Seamus Mallon's description of the Good Friday Agreement as Sunningdale for slow learners? He obviously hoped that it was so far in the past that no one would remember the truth.
The fact is that Sinn Féin's involvement in the Good Friday Agreement negotiations secured significantly more progress in the areas of policing and justice; demilitarisation and arms; discrimination and sectarianism; equality and human rights; the Irish language; and constitutional and political matters.
One revealing fact: equality is reference 21 times in the Good Friday Agreement with processes and policies to advance it.
Equality didn't rate a single mention in the Sunningdale Agreement!
Then the SDLP abandoned its pretence at being a nationalist party and became a 'post nationalist party.'
When it realised how deeply unpopular that was it tried to recast itself as a United Ireland party!
In the mid 80's, while it was involved in campaigning against the MacBride Principles campaign in the USA for Fair Employment in the north, the SDLP was bogusly claiming that discrimination had ended and that equality for all citizens was "now a reality".
At the same time the SDLP accused the people of West Belfast of being 'savages' and also denied for many years the existence of collusion.
In May 2003, the SDLP MPs simply failed to turn up to the keynote parliamentary debate on John Stevens' collusion report.
Almost 10 years ago in 2001 the SDLP gave up on trying to create a new effective policing dispensation.
It accepted the Mandelson Policing legislation; said there would be no more new legislation, and joined the Policing Board.
Sinn Féin said No. It wasn't good enough.
We kept negotiating, and demanding more and better legislation.
And over the following years, Sinn Féin delivered new policing and criminal justice legislation - including overturning the ban on former political prisoners being on policing boards; gaining increased powers for the Police Ombudsman; gaining increased powers for the Policing Board; cementing community policing as a core function of the PSNI; and securing a new judicial composition more reflective of this society.
The SDLP failed to learn the lessons and continued to fail.
In September 2003, the SDLP published its party policy on British national security in Ireland stating that - quote - "We have no difficulty, however, with a continuing MI5 role" - unquote.
In March 2004, the SDLP voted in favour of continued emergency powers including systems using Public Interest Immunity Certificates - notorious British national security gagging orders.
In November 2005, the SDLP voted in favour of 28-day detention without trial - a re-run of the old Special Powers Act.
In February 2006, the SDLP supported compulsory registration of Irish citizens on a British 'national identity register' - a database for the spooks.
In March 2006, Mark Durkan personally told the House of Commons that - quote - "there would be some issues of national security on which it would be appropriate for the Secretary of State rather than the devolved authorities, to receive reports" - thereby supporting British primacy on MI5.
In June 2006, the SDLP agreed that - quote - "it is essential that adequate provision for non-jury trials for appropriate offences in Northern is maintained" - unquote - in other words, Diplock Courts.
In January 2007 Mark Durkan personally asked how Ronnie Flanagan could be regarded as a credible Chief Inspector of Constabulary.
Yet back when Flanagan was Head of the notorious Special Branch and later when he was RUC Chief Constable the SDLP praised him as one of those within that force who 'want to edge forward'.
On Monday April 12th during the debate to agree a Minister of Justice the SDLP attacked Sinn Féin for securing the devolution of policing and justice powers because the vote was taken under the cross-community protections of the Good Friday Agreement.
Yet the SDLP voted for the very arrangements which they now rail against!
In fact in May 2006, Mark Durkan told the British House of Commons that he supported - quote - "the possibility of a single [Justice] minister to be elected by cross-community support and by parallel consent" - which is exactly what the SDLP are now complaining about.
And then there is the crucial issue of Leadership!
What sort of leadership does the SDLP offer? It hasn't been the same since John Hume left.
In 2001 Mark Durkan told the Derry Journal that he had 'little interest' in succeeding John Hume as MP for Foyle.
He claimed that his real interest" was being involved in the institutions of the Good FridayAgreement.
He said: "As someone who contributed intensely to the negotiations which led to the GFA and the new institutions, it would be decidedly rich of me to commend these bodies to others yet at the same time not be wholly or solely committed to them myself."
8 years later the same Mark Durkan announced his decision to quit as leader of the SDLP in order to concentrate on Westminster!
One part of his rationale was his belief that you can't lead the party from Westminster.
He also cited his age. The fact that he is two years younger than Margaret Ritchie and 11 years younger than Alasdair McDonnell doesn't seem to have penetrated.
But then the truth is that this was a career move by Mark who wanted an easier life style away from the real politics of the north.
And that's fair enough and I wish him and his family well but then he really should tell the electorate that this is what he is about.
Did you know that the SDLP record of voting attendance at Westminster is so bad that where they attending school their parents would have been taken to court!
They are among the worst attenders of the 646 MPs.
For example: in the first year of the last British Parliament between 2005-6 the average voting/attendance for MPs was 72%.
Mark Durkan was there 28.6% of the time. Alasdair McDonnell was there for 28.9%. and Eddie McGrady was present only 14.6% of the time.
The following year it was even worse. In 2006-7 the average attendance for MPs was 64.4%. Mark Durkan was there for 14% of the time; McDonnell 15.8% and McGrady 12.2%.
Last year Mark had pulled his boot straps up - a wee bit - and with other MPs averaging a voting/attendance record of 64.1% he managed 33% - just over half. Alasdair McDonnell was on 5% - that's right 5% - and Eddie McGrady was on 18%.
So, the lesson of these records is very clear.
The SDLP MPs know how unimportant their presence at Westminster actually is.
They vote with their feet and stay away for most of the time.
The SDLP have in reality a semi-detached relationship with Westminster; they are the Semi Detached and Lost Party.
Remember when they were going to morph into Fianna Fáil; well some of them were. Others had a Fine Gael merger in mind.
Currently, they say that in the event of a hung British Parliament they will support the British Labour Party.
That means the SDLP are committed to supporting the party that invaded Iraq; invaded Afghanistan; and passed the 28 day detention legislation.
So for anyone thinking of voting to put the SDLP into Westminster look at the record - not the rhetoric.
What you get with the SDLP is a failure of leadership under a pledge of obedience to an English Queen.
Perhaps the NIO for once had it right way back in 1976.
In a secret paper now held in the British National archive at Kew the NIO records the origins of that party and in a review of the status of parties in that year said:
"The SDLP have failed to deliver. We created it and perhaps we now have to let it die."
Back in the real world Sinn Féin has got on with the business of making politics work; of making the peace process work; of delivering on our commitments.
Few envisaged the DUP in government with Sinn Féin, or a Derry man, Martin McGuinness holding the post of Joint First Minister with Peter Robinson.
Fewer still thought that the unionists would agree the transfer of powers on policing and justice.
But all of these things and much more has happened.
Sinn Féin did this by making the two governments and the DUP face up to their political responsibilities.
And by the end of this year there will also be the transfer of powers from London to Belfast to deal with the issue of parades.
More powers moving from England to Ireland.
Outstanding issues including Irish language rights will also be delivered on and there is additional funding for the language.
It is another staging post on the road to a United Ireland and it is proof that change is possible.
Sinn Féin achieved all this by being bold and by being focused.
And by mapping out a strategy and sticking at it until we succeed.
Of course, there are still significant difficulties to be overcome.
Ireland is still partitioned.
Economic recession north and south means that nearly half a million citizens are out of work.
So, I believe there is no more urgent time than this to promote our republican politics of equality and respect and dignity.
There is no better time to be demanding that citizens have the right to a home; to a safe environment; to good quality education and health care; and to a job.
There is no better time than this to campaign for a united Ireland.
That is our primary political goal.
The key to building this new Ireland, democratically shaped by the people, is to start now.
The key to achieving this is leadership.
And Sinn Fein has that leadership.
A leadership with the experience of years of struggle, and of successfully charting a way forward for the peace process.
Sinn Féin demonstrated that leadership at Hillsborough in March.
Next month there will be a Westminster election.
This will provide an opportunity to endorse our strategy for positive change; to build a better future for all our people but especially our young people.
And to advance the goal of Irish reunification.
We are determined to bring that about. To end centuries of British involvement in Ireland and to construct a republic in which citizens will be treated fairly and equitably
Eirigi Statement On British General Election
With a Westminster election due to take place on May 6, éirígí wishes to take this opportunity to place its view of these elections on the public record.
In the policy paper ‘Elections, Elected Institutions and Ireland’s Revolutionary Struggle’, éirígí has already comprehensively outlined its view of the role that elections can play in the battle for Irish national and social freedom. That document states that “éirígí believes it is possible for a revolutionary party to move closer to its objectives by tactically contesting elections and tactically participating in specified elected institutions.”
With regard to the upcoming Westminster election, the question is, therefore, a tactical one, summed up with the simple question ‘Will the contesting of these elections bring Irish republicanism closer to, or further from, its objective?’
éirígí believes that the answer to this question lies in accurately assessing the objective strength of Irish republicanism at this point in its historic struggle. Without such an assessment, it is impossible to navigate the future direction of the republican struggle and the role that elections might, or might not, play in that struggle.
Irish republicanism has suffered a major defeat over the course of the last 15 years. For tens of thousands of Irish republicans, this period has been defined by disbelief, disappointment, frustration, anger and, all too often, despair. A once strong, confident Irish republicanism is now in a state of confusion, division and fragmentation.
The demand for Irish national reunification and independence has been removed from the political centre stage, only to be replaced by a petty sectarian squabble, with the British government happily acting as the arbitrator of the ‘settlement’. While it may be unpalatable to acknowledge this reality, that does not make it any less true.
It is éirígí’s view, however, that all is not lost. As a result of the determination and selfless work of political activists around the country, Irish republicanism is slowly emerging from this bleak period of its long and noble history.
But the process of rebuilding republicanism has, in historic terms, only just begun. It is a process that must have a bottom up approach and be centred in every working class community in Ireland. That is the only way that a new, radical republican movement, one that is capable of challenging the vested interests of occupation and exploitation, can emerge. This will be a long and arduous task; one that will take place out of the glare of the media spotlight. It will be a process that will often seem thankless and painfully slow-moving. But it is one that must be undertaken if republican objectives are to be secured.
This is the objective reality against which any republican participation in the upcoming Westminster elections must be evaluated. From its current position of weakness any republican participation in this election would, in éirígí’s opinion, be unwise.
Irish republicanism cannot afford to have its political agenda set by the elections of the political establishment. Participation in elections should only be considered from a position of relative strength, where the results are likely to advance the struggle and not retard it. For this reason, éirígí will not be contesting the forthcoming election, nor will it be supporting any non-éirígí republican candidates should they choose to stand.
Now is the time for republicans to focus on the process of rebuilding the ideas, the organisations and the wider movement that will bring about the victorious conclusion of the struggle for freedom and independence. For its part, éirígí will be continuing its work to repopularise the socialist republican message in working class communities and to nurture the still fragile green shoots of a resurgent Irish republicanism.
In the policy paper ‘Elections, Elected Institutions and Ireland’s Revolutionary Struggle’, éirígí has already comprehensively outlined its view of the role that elections can play in the battle for Irish national and social freedom. That document states that “éirígí believes it is possible for a revolutionary party to move closer to its objectives by tactically contesting elections and tactically participating in specified elected institutions.”
With regard to the upcoming Westminster election, the question is, therefore, a tactical one, summed up with the simple question ‘Will the contesting of these elections bring Irish republicanism closer to, or further from, its objective?’
éirígí believes that the answer to this question lies in accurately assessing the objective strength of Irish republicanism at this point in its historic struggle. Without such an assessment, it is impossible to navigate the future direction of the republican struggle and the role that elections might, or might not, play in that struggle.
Irish republicanism has suffered a major defeat over the course of the last 15 years. For tens of thousands of Irish republicans, this period has been defined by disbelief, disappointment, frustration, anger and, all too often, despair. A once strong, confident Irish republicanism is now in a state of confusion, division and fragmentation.
The demand for Irish national reunification and independence has been removed from the political centre stage, only to be replaced by a petty sectarian squabble, with the British government happily acting as the arbitrator of the ‘settlement’. While it may be unpalatable to acknowledge this reality, that does not make it any less true.
It is éirígí’s view, however, that all is not lost. As a result of the determination and selfless work of political activists around the country, Irish republicanism is slowly emerging from this bleak period of its long and noble history.
But the process of rebuilding republicanism has, in historic terms, only just begun. It is a process that must have a bottom up approach and be centred in every working class community in Ireland. That is the only way that a new, radical republican movement, one that is capable of challenging the vested interests of occupation and exploitation, can emerge. This will be a long and arduous task; one that will take place out of the glare of the media spotlight. It will be a process that will often seem thankless and painfully slow-moving. But it is one that must be undertaken if republican objectives are to be secured.
This is the objective reality against which any republican participation in the upcoming Westminster elections must be evaluated. From its current position of weakness any republican participation in this election would, in éirígí’s opinion, be unwise.
Irish republicanism cannot afford to have its political agenda set by the elections of the political establishment. Participation in elections should only be considered from a position of relative strength, where the results are likely to advance the struggle and not retard it. For this reason, éirígí will not be contesting the forthcoming election, nor will it be supporting any non-éirígí republican candidates should they choose to stand.
Now is the time for republicans to focus on the process of rebuilding the ideas, the organisations and the wider movement that will bring about the victorious conclusion of the struggle for freedom and independence. For its part, éirígí will be continuing its work to repopularise the socialist republican message in working class communities and to nurture the still fragile green shoots of a resurgent Irish republicanism.
Sunday, 11 April 2010
In Memory: Oglach Edmund O'Rawe
Edward O’Rawe from 7, Garnet Street in the Lower Falls area was born on 1st August 1945. He was educated at the nearby St Peter’s School, Raglan Street. He was nicknamed ‘Mundo’
On leaving school he found work as a docker, he became a member of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union. He joined Na Fianna Eireann at about the same time. His hobbies included hurling, which he played for the Michael Dwyer Gaelic Athletic Club.
Having emigrated to England to work, he returned to Belfast in 1969, as the present phase of the liberation struggle was beginning. Mundo joined the IRA in Ballymurphy and later transferred to ‘D’ Company based in the Lower Falls area.
On April 12th 1973, Mundo was shot dead by British troops. Shortly before the shooting the British Army were photographed searching Mundo and a companion, Sean Rowntree. Both men were unarmed when they were shot.
Manchester Commemoration
Mass 10.30am Saturday 24 April St. Joseph’s Chapel, Moston followed by a procession to the Manchester Martyrs’ monument.
Maghaberry Prisoners Must Be Treated With Respect
Following protests in Maghaberry Prison at the weekend, Sinn Féin Assembly member Carál Ní Chuilín has called on the prison authorities to treat republican prisoners held there with respect and dignity.
“Regardless of why anyone is in prison they are entitled to be treated with respect and dignity. It is clear that the regime in place for republican prisoners in Maghaberry falls well short of this,” she said.
“Prisoners should not be held in 23-hour lock up, they should not have been denied the right to wear Easter Lilies and the decision to remove 28 men to the punishment blocks as a result of the weekend’s protest is wrong and counterproductive.
“There is a widely held belief that many of the problems in Maghaberry are directly linked to a Prison Officers’ Association which is still firmly wedded to the past. The Prison Service is one of those institutions that has to date escaped widespread scrutiny and much needed reform. This needs to be a priority for a new Justice Minister.”
“Regardless of why anyone is in prison they are entitled to be treated with respect and dignity. It is clear that the regime in place for republican prisoners in Maghaberry falls well short of this,” she said.
“Prisoners should not be held in 23-hour lock up, they should not have been denied the right to wear Easter Lilies and the decision to remove 28 men to the punishment blocks as a result of the weekend’s protest is wrong and counterproductive.
“There is a widely held belief that many of the problems in Maghaberry are directly linked to a Prison Officers’ Association which is still firmly wedded to the past. The Prison Service is one of those institutions that has to date escaped widespread scrutiny and much needed reform. This needs to be a priority for a new Justice Minister.”
Easter Statements: Eirigi
Ninety-four years ago, on Easter Monday, April 24 1916, Irish republicans and socialists took armed control of Dublin City and proclaimed the Irish Republic. In doing so, these brave men and women changed the course of history.
As always, the British government reacted to this assertion of social and national rights with a brutal display of force – in the killing of civilians on the streets of Dublin, in the execution of the leadership of the Rising and in the attempted crushing of Irish demands for self-determination. But the risen people who followed in the footsteps of the men and women of Easter Week proved, yet again, that no one can break the will of a people to be free.
This Easter, éirígí, and all Irish republicans and socialists, remember with pride the sacrifice of those who struck that historic blow in 1916 and all those who have given their lives for freedom in the decades since. éirígí extends solidarity to the families of all those who have lost their lives because of their devotion to the republican cause.
The Ireland of today is not the one that was envisaged by the leaders of the Easter Rising when they drafted the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. It is not the one that was envisaged by all those who have given so much in the long years of struggle before and since 1916.
Today, more than half a million people are unemployed in Ireland; tens of thousands more are emigrating. The financial wealth of the Irish people is being used to prop up private banks, while their natural resources are being given away to multinational corporations. The living conditions, wages, rights and entitlements of workers are being attacked daily in an effort to shore up the profits of the business class. Working class communities are deprived of amenities and left to the ravages of poverty and all that flows from it. Partition remains in place and the occupation of the Six Counties is maintained by the armed forces of the British government.
These are the glaring injustices that provide the incentive for unceasing struggle in modern Ireland. In doing so, éirigí is provided with the inspiring example of the revolutionaries of Easter Week, who knew that freedom and rights are never returned willingly by oppressors, but must be taken back forcefully by the oppressed.
The task that lies before Irish revolutionaries in 2010 is the same as that which faced the revolutionaries of 1916 – noting less than the complete removal of Britain from Ireland’s affairs and the radical reordering of the social and economic system.
What began on Easter Monday 1916 was a decolonisation process – Britain’s days in Ireland have been numbered ever since.
To complete this process, another uprising is needed – an uprising of the working people and all those who are exploited and oppressed. It may not happen today or tomorrow or next year, but happen it must and the preparatory work for that rising must begin today.
Four years after its foundation éirígí remains wholeheartedly committed to the struggle for Irish national, social, economic and cultural freedom. This Easter, we encourage republicans and socialists to join us as we honour Ireland’s dead and recommit ourselves to the ideals for which they died.
As always, the British government reacted to this assertion of social and national rights with a brutal display of force – in the killing of civilians on the streets of Dublin, in the execution of the leadership of the Rising and in the attempted crushing of Irish demands for self-determination. But the risen people who followed in the footsteps of the men and women of Easter Week proved, yet again, that no one can break the will of a people to be free.
This Easter, éirígí, and all Irish republicans and socialists, remember with pride the sacrifice of those who struck that historic blow in 1916 and all those who have given their lives for freedom in the decades since. éirígí extends solidarity to the families of all those who have lost their lives because of their devotion to the republican cause.
The Ireland of today is not the one that was envisaged by the leaders of the Easter Rising when they drafted the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. It is not the one that was envisaged by all those who have given so much in the long years of struggle before and since 1916.
Today, more than half a million people are unemployed in Ireland; tens of thousands more are emigrating. The financial wealth of the Irish people is being used to prop up private banks, while their natural resources are being given away to multinational corporations. The living conditions, wages, rights and entitlements of workers are being attacked daily in an effort to shore up the profits of the business class. Working class communities are deprived of amenities and left to the ravages of poverty and all that flows from it. Partition remains in place and the occupation of the Six Counties is maintained by the armed forces of the British government.
These are the glaring injustices that provide the incentive for unceasing struggle in modern Ireland. In doing so, éirigí is provided with the inspiring example of the revolutionaries of Easter Week, who knew that freedom and rights are never returned willingly by oppressors, but must be taken back forcefully by the oppressed.
The task that lies before Irish revolutionaries in 2010 is the same as that which faced the revolutionaries of 1916 – noting less than the complete removal of Britain from Ireland’s affairs and the radical reordering of the social and economic system.
What began on Easter Monday 1916 was a decolonisation process – Britain’s days in Ireland have been numbered ever since.
To complete this process, another uprising is needed – an uprising of the working people and all those who are exploited and oppressed. It may not happen today or tomorrow or next year, but happen it must and the preparatory work for that rising must begin today.
Four years after its foundation éirígí remains wholeheartedly committed to the struggle for Irish national, social, economic and cultural freedom. This Easter, we encourage republicans and socialists to join us as we honour Ireland’s dead and recommit ourselves to the ideals for which they died.
Kelly Appeals To Nationalists To Keep Dodds Out
Sinn Féin's candidate for North Belfast in the May 6 Westminster election race has called on nationalist voters of all colours to vote for him in a bid to oust the sitting DUP Member of Parliament.
North Belfast MLA and Minister in the Stormont Executive Gerry Kelly said the time had come for change.
"Yes we can do it, this is the time to do it," the Junior Minister claimed.
"I think this is the first time in our history we can have a nationalist republican representing this area. That is huge.
"The DUP are against equality, they have used their elected positions to fight against equality, particularly against leisure facilities and again housing for nationalists even though 80 per cent of nationalists are on the waiting list.
"There are two nationalists running, myself and Alban Maginness.
"I would remind the SDLP voters, this is first past the post, and that the only chance of unseating the DUP is myself.
"Your vote is crucial, it's not proportional representation where you use your votes once or twice or use preferences. So let's make history, let's do it."
In the 2007 assembly election six politicians were elected to North Belfast. Nigel Dodds (DUP) topped the poll with over 23 per cent of the vote, Gerry Kelly came in second place with 18 per cent, party collegue Carál Ní Chuilín with 12 per cent, Fred Cobain with eight per cent, Nelson McCausland with eight per cent and Alban Maginness with seven per cent.
"In the last elections both myself and Carál Ní Chuilín beat Alban in first preference votes, so he's in third place, so there is no logic to his arguments."
According to the Electoral Office statistics, as of April 1 2010 there are nearly 66,000 voters in North Belfast, making it the biggest parliamentary constituency in the whole of the city.
This week North Belfast MLA Alban Maginness dismissed an electoral pact with republicans.
Gerry Kelly said SDLP North Belfast voters should realise the only chance of unseating Nigel Dodds, elected MP in 2001, was voting Sinn Féin.
"In the last elections both myself and Carál Ní Chuilín beat Alban in first preference votes, so he's in third place, so there is no logic to his arguments," Gerry Kelly said.
"I suppose I am appealing to the SDLP voter beyond Alban in this very specific election and to people who may not vote for me in normal circumstances, to vote for me because we could make an awful difference."
Tackling the issue of abstentionism the republican said the party's MPs had a strong reputation despite not taking their seats in the House of Commons.
"I am simply not going to take the oath to the queen. I think the SDLP are wrong for doing that, we are Irish, we are nationalists and our aim is a united Ireland.
"In terms of resources for the area, in terms of using the clout of being an MP, we have five MPs, they are all well known, and very effective, and all work on the ground from Gerry Adams to Michelle Gidlernew, Caitríona Ruane, Conor Murphy and Pat Doherty, and that's what I'll be doing if elected."
Wednesday, 31 March 2010
Remember Our Volunteers
As most republicans have, I have a strong sense of pride for those Volunteers and activists from my own area and areas I have connections with.
Due to this reason, I will regularly update this blog with details of the anniversaries of the deaths of Volunteers from the Ballymurphy area of West Belfast during the coming months.
FIAN SEAN DOYLE
10TH APRIL 1928 - 10TH APRIL 1944
Sean Doyle was born in Belfast in 1928. He came from a republican family, his father had been interned during the war years and his older brother Liam, aged 18 was serving a ten-year sentence for republican activity at the time of Sean’s death.
A member Fianna Eireann, Sean was attending an arms lecture with a few comrades from his Sluagh on April 10th 1944, when a gun was accidently discharged. Sean was shot in the head and died instantly. He was only 16 years of age.
Sean is buried in Milltown Cemetery, where a memorial was erected to his memory.
Friday, 26 March 2010
Easter Lily Campaign Launched In Liverpool
St. Michael’s Irish Centre was the venue on Sunday last for the launch of a local campaign to promote the wearing of the Easter Lily in recognition of the men and women volunteers who took part in the Easter Rising of 1916, and more importantly to raise awareness of the contribution made by members of the Liverpool Irish community who travelled to Dublin to take part in the fighting that week.
Among the notable speakers at the launch included lifetime Irish community activist, writer and GAA stalwart Tommy Walsh; Bernard Morgan, local historian and member of the Connolly Association, whose own mother took part in the Rising as a member of Cumann na mBan, Liverpool; and Jeff O’Carroll of Cairde Na hÉireann Liverpool. All speakers provided a personal reflection on the Rising and the importance of remembering and paying tribute to the sacrifices made by both women and men.
Neil Doolin, one of the organisers, stated: “In launching this local campaign all speakers noted the fact that 2016 will mark the 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising. For ourselves in Cairde, this will be a very important event to mark both for us as a community in Liverpool and in terms of consciousness raising amongst our community on the part played by the volunteers who travelled from Liverpool to take part in the Rising and those who also took part the war for independence that occurred from 1919 to 1921.
“Our speakers today have shared much knowledge and information on the names of the individuals involved. It will be important over the next five years that some form of recognition is given to those women and men of our community who played their part in the struggle for Irish freedom. The onus will be on ourselves as a community that fitting tribute is made to their sacrifices. Raising the importance of wearing a Lily is a first step in this process”.
Easter Lilies are available from St Michael’s Irish Centre in Liverpool.
Easter 1916 Events - 2010 (Sinn Féin)
ARMAGH
Saturday
1pm Portadown, Speaker: Cathal Boylan
Sunday
10.30am Crossmaglen, Speaker: Sean Murray
11.30am Derrymacash, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Ballymacnab, Speaker: Paul Butler
2.30pm Lurgan, Speaker: Declan Kearney
4.30pm Cullyhanna, Speaker: Conor Murphy
Monday
2.30pm Armagh City, Speaker: Conor Murphy
4pm Camlough, Speaker: Sean Hughes
BELFAST
Saturday
2pm Whitewell, Speaker Gerry Kelly
Sunday
1pm Beechmont Avenue, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Gerry Adams
Monday
1pm New Lodge, Speaker: Gerry Kelly
Tuesday
1pm Ardoyne, Speaker: Gerry Kelly
2pm Ballymurphy
CAVAN
Monday
1.30pm Ballinagh, Speaker: Sean Lynch
CARLOW/KILKENNY
Saturday
12 noon Mooncoin, Speaker: Kathleen Funchion
CLARE
Sunday
2.30pm Ennis, Wreath Laying Ceremony
CORK
Saturday
8pm Bantry, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Sunday
11am Youghal
12.30pm Bandon, Speaker: Mary Lou McDonald
12.30pm Clonakilty, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Cork City
DERRY
Saturday
Wreath Laying Ceremonies:
4pm Glens; 6pm Moneyglass; 6.30pm Glenravel; 6.30pm Cargin
Sunday
12 noon Dungiven, Speaker: Carál Ní Chuilín
2.30pm Westland Street, Derry City, Speaker: Martina Anderson
2.30pm The Loup, Speaker: Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Wreath Laying Ceremonies:
10am Rasharkin; 10.30am Glen, Maghera; 10.45am Coolcalm; 10.45am Newbridge; 11am Creggan, Central Drive; 11am Bogside, Lecky Road;11am Shantallow, Racecourse Road; 1pm Waterside, Rose Court; 11.30am Dunloy; 11.40am Lavey; 11.45am Bellaghy; 12.15pm Loughgiel; 12.30pm Kilrea
Monday
2.30pm Swatragh, Speaker: Martin McGuinness
DONEGAL
Sunday
10am Drumkeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony
11.30am Glencolmcille, Wreath Laying Ceremony
12 noon Drumoghill
12 noon Castlefinn, Speaker: Cora Harvey
12.15pm Gweedore, Speaker: Pearse Doherty
12.45pm Buncrana, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn
1pm Letterkenny, Speakers: Mick Quinn and Gerry MacMonagle
2.30pm Drumboe, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Pearse Doherty
Monday
3pm Pettigo, Speaker: Pearse Doherty
12.30pm Carrigart, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn
3pm Fanad, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn
DOWN
Sunday
12 noon Patrick Street, Newry, Speaker: Conor Murphy
1.15pm St Patricks Avenue, Downpatrick, Speaker: Caitríona Ruane
3.15pm Down Road Car Park, Newcastle, Wreath Laying Ceremony
4pm Lower Square, Castlewellan, Speaker: Caitríona Ruane
DUBLIN
Friday
11.30am Arbour Hill, Speaker: Ruadhan MacAodháin
Saturday
11.30am Ballyfermot, Speaker: Aengus Ó Snodaigh
2.30pm Crumlin, Speaker: Aengus Ó Snodaigh
Sunday
11.30am Glasnevin Cemetery, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2.30pm Main Commemoration: Garden of Remembrance, Speaker: Gerry Kelly
FERMANAGH
Sunday
2.30pm Derrylinn, Speaker: Michelle Gildernew
GALWAY
Sunday
1pm Ballinasloe, Speaker: Bairbre de Brún
3pm Erye Square, City Speaker: Bairbre de Brún
Monday
12 noon Ros Muc, Conamara, Speaker: Seanna Walsh
3pm Cliften, Conamara, Speaker: Seánna Walsh
5pm Tullycross, Speaker: Seánna Walsh
KERRY
Sunday
3pm Tralee, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Martin Ferris
LAOIS
Sunday
2pm Portlaoise, Speaker: Aengus Ó Snodaigh
LEITRIM
Sunday
3pm Aughnasheelin, Ballinnamore, Speaker: Raymond McCartney
LIMERICK
Saturday
3pm Athea Village, Speaker: Martin Ferris
Sunday
12.30pm Limerick City, Speaker: Maurice Quinlivian
LONGFORD
Sunday
2.30pm Longford Town, Speaker: Paul Hogan
LOUTH
Saturday
12 noon Quay Street, Dundalk, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Knockbridge, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Sunday
12 noon St Peter’s Church, Drogheda, Speaker: John O’Dowd
2.30pm Market Square, Dundalk, Speaker: John O’Dowd
MAYO
Sunday
10.30am Achill, Speaker: Mitchel Mc Laughlin
3pm Westport, Speaker: Mitchel Mc Laughlin
MEATH
Thursday
1pm Navan Town Hall, Civic Reception
Friday
6pm Longwood, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Saturday
12.30pm Oldcastle, Wreath Laying Ceremony
4pm Navan, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Arthur Morgan
Sunday
12 noon Ardbraccen, Wreath Laying Ceremony
12 noon Slane, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Monday
12 noon Drumree and Ashbourne, Wreath Laying Ceremony
MONAGHAN
Saturday
2.30pm Inniskeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony
3.30pm Monaghan Town, Speaker: Francie Molloy
Monday
11pm Scotshouse, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Clones, Speaker: Claire McGill
OFFALY
Monday
2.30pm Edenderry, Speaker: Brendan Killeavey
ROSCOMMON
Monday
3pm Ballintubber, Speaker: Martin Kenny
SLIGO
Sunday
3pm Sligo Town, Speaker: Seán Mac Brádaigh
TIPPERARY
Sunday
3pm St.Johnstown, Fethard, Speaker: Michael Moroney
TYRONE
Saturday
3pm Coalisland, Speaker: Michelle O’Neill
Sunday
3pm Carrickmore, Speaker: Martin McGuinness
11.15am Dunamore, Speaker: Martin McGuinness
5.30pm Loughmacrory, Speaker: Sean Hughes
Monday
2pm Ardboe, Speaker: Barry McElduff
WATERFORD
Saturday
3pm Waterford City, Speaker: David Cullinane
Sunday
11.30am Portlaw, Speaker: Declan Clune
3pm Stradbally
WEXFORD
Saturday
3pm Arklow Town
6pm Ballymore, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Sunday
1pm Wexford Town
Monday
2.30pm Enniscorthy, Speaker: Mary Lou McDonald
12 noon Murrintown, Speaker: Mary Lou McDonald
Saturday
1pm Portadown, Speaker: Cathal Boylan
Sunday
10.30am Crossmaglen, Speaker: Sean Murray
11.30am Derrymacash, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Ballymacnab, Speaker: Paul Butler
2.30pm Lurgan, Speaker: Declan Kearney
4.30pm Cullyhanna, Speaker: Conor Murphy
Monday
2.30pm Armagh City, Speaker: Conor Murphy
4pm Camlough, Speaker: Sean Hughes
BELFAST
Saturday
2pm Whitewell, Speaker Gerry Kelly
Sunday
1pm Beechmont Avenue, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Gerry Adams
Monday
1pm New Lodge, Speaker: Gerry Kelly
Tuesday
1pm Ardoyne, Speaker: Gerry Kelly
2pm Ballymurphy
CAVAN
Monday
1.30pm Ballinagh, Speaker: Sean Lynch
CARLOW/KILKENNY
Saturday
12 noon Mooncoin, Speaker: Kathleen Funchion
CLARE
Sunday
2.30pm Ennis, Wreath Laying Ceremony
CORK
Saturday
8pm Bantry, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Sunday
11am Youghal
12.30pm Bandon, Speaker: Mary Lou McDonald
12.30pm Clonakilty, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Cork City
DERRY
Saturday
Wreath Laying Ceremonies:
4pm Glens; 6pm Moneyglass; 6.30pm Glenravel; 6.30pm Cargin
Sunday
12 noon Dungiven, Speaker: Carál Ní Chuilín
2.30pm Westland Street, Derry City, Speaker: Martina Anderson
2.30pm The Loup, Speaker: Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin
Wreath Laying Ceremonies:
10am Rasharkin; 10.30am Glen, Maghera; 10.45am Coolcalm; 10.45am Newbridge; 11am Creggan, Central Drive; 11am Bogside, Lecky Road;11am Shantallow, Racecourse Road; 1pm Waterside, Rose Court; 11.30am Dunloy; 11.40am Lavey; 11.45am Bellaghy; 12.15pm Loughgiel; 12.30pm Kilrea
Monday
2.30pm Swatragh, Speaker: Martin McGuinness
DONEGAL
Sunday
10am Drumkeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony
11.30am Glencolmcille, Wreath Laying Ceremony
12 noon Drumoghill
12 noon Castlefinn, Speaker: Cora Harvey
12.15pm Gweedore, Speaker: Pearse Doherty
12.45pm Buncrana, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn
1pm Letterkenny, Speakers: Mick Quinn and Gerry MacMonagle
2.30pm Drumboe, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Pearse Doherty
Monday
3pm Pettigo, Speaker: Pearse Doherty
12.30pm Carrigart, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn
3pm Fanad, Speaker: Pádraig Mac Lochlainn
DOWN
Sunday
12 noon Patrick Street, Newry, Speaker: Conor Murphy
1.15pm St Patricks Avenue, Downpatrick, Speaker: Caitríona Ruane
3.15pm Down Road Car Park, Newcastle, Wreath Laying Ceremony
4pm Lower Square, Castlewellan, Speaker: Caitríona Ruane
DUBLIN
Friday
11.30am Arbour Hill, Speaker: Ruadhan MacAodháin
Saturday
11.30am Ballyfermot, Speaker: Aengus Ó Snodaigh
2.30pm Crumlin, Speaker: Aengus Ó Snodaigh
Sunday
11.30am Glasnevin Cemetery, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2.30pm Main Commemoration: Garden of Remembrance, Speaker: Gerry Kelly
FERMANAGH
Sunday
2.30pm Derrylinn, Speaker: Michelle Gildernew
GALWAY
Sunday
1pm Ballinasloe, Speaker: Bairbre de Brún
3pm Erye Square, City Speaker: Bairbre de Brún
Monday
12 noon Ros Muc, Conamara, Speaker: Seanna Walsh
3pm Cliften, Conamara, Speaker: Seánna Walsh
5pm Tullycross, Speaker: Seánna Walsh
KERRY
Sunday
3pm Tralee, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Martin Ferris
LAOIS
Sunday
2pm Portlaoise, Speaker: Aengus Ó Snodaigh
LEITRIM
Sunday
3pm Aughnasheelin, Ballinnamore, Speaker: Raymond McCartney
LIMERICK
Saturday
3pm Athea Village, Speaker: Martin Ferris
Sunday
12.30pm Limerick City, Speaker: Maurice Quinlivian
LONGFORD
Sunday
2.30pm Longford Town, Speaker: Paul Hogan
LOUTH
Saturday
12 noon Quay Street, Dundalk, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Knockbridge, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Sunday
12 noon St Peter’s Church, Drogheda, Speaker: John O’Dowd
2.30pm Market Square, Dundalk, Speaker: John O’Dowd
MAYO
Sunday
10.30am Achill, Speaker: Mitchel Mc Laughlin
3pm Westport, Speaker: Mitchel Mc Laughlin
MEATH
Thursday
1pm Navan Town Hall, Civic Reception
Friday
6pm Longwood, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Saturday
12.30pm Oldcastle, Wreath Laying Ceremony
4pm Navan, Main Commemoration, Speaker: Arthur Morgan
Sunday
12 noon Ardbraccen, Wreath Laying Ceremony
12 noon Slane, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Monday
12 noon Drumree and Ashbourne, Wreath Laying Ceremony
MONAGHAN
Saturday
2.30pm Inniskeen, Wreath Laying Ceremony
3.30pm Monaghan Town, Speaker: Francie Molloy
Monday
11pm Scotshouse, Wreath Laying Ceremony
2pm Clones, Speaker: Claire McGill
OFFALY
Monday
2.30pm Edenderry, Speaker: Brendan Killeavey
ROSCOMMON
Monday
3pm Ballintubber, Speaker: Martin Kenny
SLIGO
Sunday
3pm Sligo Town, Speaker: Seán Mac Brádaigh
TIPPERARY
Sunday
3pm St.Johnstown, Fethard, Speaker: Michael Moroney
TYRONE
Saturday
3pm Coalisland, Speaker: Michelle O’Neill
Sunday
3pm Carrickmore, Speaker: Martin McGuinness
11.15am Dunamore, Speaker: Martin McGuinness
5.30pm Loughmacrory, Speaker: Sean Hughes
Monday
2pm Ardboe, Speaker: Barry McElduff
WATERFORD
Saturday
3pm Waterford City, Speaker: David Cullinane
Sunday
11.30am Portlaw, Speaker: Declan Clune
3pm Stradbally
WEXFORD
Saturday
3pm Arklow Town
6pm Ballymore, Wreath Laying Ceremony
Sunday
1pm Wexford Town
Monday
2.30pm Enniscorthy, Speaker: Mary Lou McDonald
12 noon Murrintown, Speaker: Mary Lou McDonald
Tuesday, 23 March 2010
Monday, 15 March 2010
Maoists: A Doomed Revolution?
Comrades,
Below is an article from the BBC News website regarding the current insurgency by Maoist guerilla's in India.
I wouldn't normally post articles from the BBC, but as it is written by someone based in India, I found out very interesting and informative.
It is India's most bloody, intractable and shadowy war in recent history.
Today 223 districts - India has 636 districts - in 20 states are "Maoist affected", up from 55 districts in nine states six years ago. Ninety of the affected districts, according to the government, are experiencing "consistent violence". PM Manmohan Singh calls it the country's "greatest internal security challenge".
As Maoist activity has expanded over a vast swathe of mineral-rich jungles and countryside where most of India's tribespeople - its poorest of the poor - live, the cost of the conflict has been huge.
The government says 3,457 civilians were killed in 11,642 incidents of rebel-related violence between 2003 and 2009. Nearly 1,300 security forces and 1,350 rebels have died in the war, it says.
As the toll rises, the conflict provokes a sharply polarised debate.
On the one side are the city-bred romantic revolutionaries. One perceptive analyst calls them a "Maoist-aligned intelligentsia vicariously playing out their revolutionary fantasies through the lives of the adivasis [tribespeople], while the people dying in battle are almost all adivasis". They protest against the government's plans to smoke out the rebels.
On the other, are supporters of strong state action who believe the security forces should annihilate the rebels and wrest back areas under their control. Collateral damage, they believe, is par for the course.
So India's Maoist rebels, in the words of another commentator, are either "romanticised, eulogised [or] demonised". It depends on which side you are on.
It is time to ask some basic questions.
What do the Maoists want?
They want to establish a "communist society" by overthrowing the country's "semi-colonial, semi-feudal" form of rule through an armed struggle. The say they are fighting for the rights of the neglected tribespeople, an unquestionably laudable goal in a vastly iniquitous land.
So are they revolutionary Marxists? Are they anarchists? Or are they India's equivalent of historian Eric Hobsbawm's "social bandits", peasant Robin Hood outlaws? It is difficult to say.
Who is suffering the most in the seemingly unending war?
The same tribespeople for whom the Maoists say they have picked up the cudgels.
They are caught in the crossfire between the rebels and security forces. They are hounded by state-sponsored militias hunting for rebel sympathisers. (In Chhattisgarh, the rebel heartland, nearly 50,000 villagers have been forced from their villages by a state-sponsored militia and are now lodged in some 20 camps.)
The rebels end up killing poorly paid, poorly armed policemen, small businessmen and low level political workers. Analysts find it odd that their "class enemies" do not include big businessmen and companies, presumably because many of them cough up protection money.
What has been the track record of India's Maoists?
Not very inspiring, say most commentators, apart from a few exceptions of getting a fairer deal for the poor by intimidating the state.
They point out that the Maoists never questioned the partition of India. In 1971, during the war with Pakistan, they supported the Pakistani president Yahya Khan and even advised revolutionaries in East Pakistan - now Bangladesh - to defend Pakistan. Analysts say the rebels were taking their cues from China.
Another criticism is that the rebels have never really tackled or taken on the rising tide of communalism that swept the country in the 1980s and 1990s. They have shown little interest in taking a stand against Hindu or Muslim fundamentalism.
Are the rebels the only ones fighting for India's poor?
No way. There are hundreds of civil society movements working tirelessly - Medha Patkar's movement against people displaced by dam projects is a stand-out example.
But the rebels succeed in grabbing attention, many believe, because they practice violence.
"Violence [has] the potential to make news and attract attention... satyagrahas [passive resistance], non-violent actions and human chains have been made completely ineffective and delegitimised by the state and the media," says political scientist Aditya Nigam.
So what do the Maoists end up doing?
Operating in a binary world of "either you are with us or against us" - eerily reminiscent of a recent "war on terror" - the rebels, many analysts say, have taken an awkward, simplistic position on how people behave and society operates.
"We are not yet in a completely Orwellian universe. Some things are neither Hindu nor Muslim, neither proletarian nor bourgeois. There is no war to end all wars, no ultimate death penalty that will put an end to all death penalties," says independent scholar Dilip Simeon.
"Hindu Rashtra [Hindu polity] is not the final solution to the so-called 'minority problem', nor is the 'people's war' the final answer to class exploitation."
In the absence of such understanding, the bloody war grinds on, reaping its grim harvest.
Do the deaths of tribespeople, policemen, rebels, traders and political workers have any meaning? Does the displacement of tens of thousands of people suspected to be sympathising with the rebels make any sense? Or are some right to view these as wasteful deaths and futile displacements?
It is the Maoists' apparent indifference to life that worries Dilip Simeon. "The indifference," he says, "is the mark of nihilism that has overtaken the revolutionary spirit." That is why Maoism in India, many believe, will remain a doomed revolution
Below is an article from the BBC News website regarding the current insurgency by Maoist guerilla's in India.
I wouldn't normally post articles from the BBC, but as it is written by someone based in India, I found out very interesting and informative.
It is India's most bloody, intractable and shadowy war in recent history.
Today 223 districts - India has 636 districts - in 20 states are "Maoist affected", up from 55 districts in nine states six years ago. Ninety of the affected districts, according to the government, are experiencing "consistent violence". PM Manmohan Singh calls it the country's "greatest internal security challenge".
As Maoist activity has expanded over a vast swathe of mineral-rich jungles and countryside where most of India's tribespeople - its poorest of the poor - live, the cost of the conflict has been huge.
The government says 3,457 civilians were killed in 11,642 incidents of rebel-related violence between 2003 and 2009. Nearly 1,300 security forces and 1,350 rebels have died in the war, it says.
As the toll rises, the conflict provokes a sharply polarised debate.
On the one side are the city-bred romantic revolutionaries. One perceptive analyst calls them a "Maoist-aligned intelligentsia vicariously playing out their revolutionary fantasies through the lives of the adivasis [tribespeople], while the people dying in battle are almost all adivasis". They protest against the government's plans to smoke out the rebels.
On the other, are supporters of strong state action who believe the security forces should annihilate the rebels and wrest back areas under their control. Collateral damage, they believe, is par for the course.
So India's Maoist rebels, in the words of another commentator, are either "romanticised, eulogised [or] demonised". It depends on which side you are on.
It is time to ask some basic questions.
What do the Maoists want?
They want to establish a "communist society" by overthrowing the country's "semi-colonial, semi-feudal" form of rule through an armed struggle. The say they are fighting for the rights of the neglected tribespeople, an unquestionably laudable goal in a vastly iniquitous land.
So are they revolutionary Marxists? Are they anarchists? Or are they India's equivalent of historian Eric Hobsbawm's "social bandits", peasant Robin Hood outlaws? It is difficult to say.
Who is suffering the most in the seemingly unending war?
The same tribespeople for whom the Maoists say they have picked up the cudgels.
They are caught in the crossfire between the rebels and security forces. They are hounded by state-sponsored militias hunting for rebel sympathisers. (In Chhattisgarh, the rebel heartland, nearly 50,000 villagers have been forced from their villages by a state-sponsored militia and are now lodged in some 20 camps.)
The rebels end up killing poorly paid, poorly armed policemen, small businessmen and low level political workers. Analysts find it odd that their "class enemies" do not include big businessmen and companies, presumably because many of them cough up protection money.
What has been the track record of India's Maoists?
Not very inspiring, say most commentators, apart from a few exceptions of getting a fairer deal for the poor by intimidating the state.
They point out that the Maoists never questioned the partition of India. In 1971, during the war with Pakistan, they supported the Pakistani president Yahya Khan and even advised revolutionaries in East Pakistan - now Bangladesh - to defend Pakistan. Analysts say the rebels were taking their cues from China.
Another criticism is that the rebels have never really tackled or taken on the rising tide of communalism that swept the country in the 1980s and 1990s. They have shown little interest in taking a stand against Hindu or Muslim fundamentalism.
Are the rebels the only ones fighting for India's poor?
No way. There are hundreds of civil society movements working tirelessly - Medha Patkar's movement against people displaced by dam projects is a stand-out example.
But the rebels succeed in grabbing attention, many believe, because they practice violence.
"Violence [has] the potential to make news and attract attention... satyagrahas [passive resistance], non-violent actions and human chains have been made completely ineffective and delegitimised by the state and the media," says political scientist Aditya Nigam.
So what do the Maoists end up doing?
Operating in a binary world of "either you are with us or against us" - eerily reminiscent of a recent "war on terror" - the rebels, many analysts say, have taken an awkward, simplistic position on how people behave and society operates.
"We are not yet in a completely Orwellian universe. Some things are neither Hindu nor Muslim, neither proletarian nor bourgeois. There is no war to end all wars, no ultimate death penalty that will put an end to all death penalties," says independent scholar Dilip Simeon.
"Hindu Rashtra [Hindu polity] is not the final solution to the so-called 'minority problem', nor is the 'people's war' the final answer to class exploitation."
In the absence of such understanding, the bloody war grinds on, reaping its grim harvest.
Do the deaths of tribespeople, policemen, rebels, traders and political workers have any meaning? Does the displacement of tens of thousands of people suspected to be sympathising with the rebels make any sense? Or are some right to view these as wasteful deaths and futile displacements?
It is the Maoists' apparent indifference to life that worries Dilip Simeon. "The indifference," he says, "is the mark of nihilism that has overtaken the revolutionary spirit." That is why Maoism in India, many believe, will remain a doomed revolution
Thursday, 11 March 2010
Colin Duffy London Event
Comrades,
On 22nd March 2010 a meeting will be held in London to highlight the injustice of Colin Duffy, over his current arrest and the unrepentant victimisations he has received for many years.
My prayers and thoughts are with the Duffy family and his friends at this difficult time and although our work may be small, we hope that this meeting will act as a springboard which may help toward awareness of the issue, and help towards Colin's release.
We hope this event can plan and implement a strategy to publicise and organise the campaign across Britain, and put pressure on the British Government to release Colin, because although we may soon have devolved justice, MI5 and others are not accountable to the assembley, only to themselves.
Anyone who is wanting to attend this event, or can organise one of their own please contact me through here so I can pass on the message to the group.
PRO,
London Friends of Colin Duffy
Wednesday, 24 February 2010
Friends Of Colin Duffy
Dear Comrades,
Let me first of all let you know about the Friends of Colin website, www.friendsofcolinduffy.com
After the incident in March 2009 in which two British Army soldiers were killed outside their barracks in Co. Antrim, a witchunt started.
Despite no evidence and after harrasment by the RUC/PSNI - which the Duffy family has long been used to - Colin was arrested.
I do not agree with the killings at Massareene, but I do not believe Colin Duffy had any part in it and once again has become a victim of a frame-up by the RUC/PSNI at the behest of the British government, still operating in the Occupied Six Counties.
In 1990 his friend Sam Marshall was murdered, and it has since been revealed that sections of the Intelligence Services and the RUC were involved in this. Sam and Colin Duffy had just left an RUC base with another friend when they were ambushed.
In 1993 Colin was fitted up again, on the word of Lindsay Robb doing the bidding again of the RUC. Lindsay was later revealed to be lying and that he was also a UVF gun runner.
In 1997 he was once again arrested over the execution of 2 RUC Officers, despite witnesses placing him well away from the scene of the operation.
Fastforward to 2009 and Colin has been framed again and he needs your help.
If you are based in Ireland, please visit the Friends Of website and see how you can get involved.
If you are based in England then there may be a new Support group to be formed to support the campaign in Ireland. We will write to MPs and potential supporters to highlight the injustice and hopefully eventually hold public meetings and protests until Colin is released.
Please check the blog very soon for how you can become involved.
Slán
Tuesday, 16 February 2010
My View On INLA Weapons Move
The Irish National Liberation Army is an organisation which divides many people, republican or otherwise. Some would point to a history of feuding with the Official IRA, the IPLO and within the IRSM later on. But nobody can doubt the success a small movement had in military operations over a long period of time, while also fending off attacks from former comrades which cost them some of their most influential and honourable members.
Men like Seamus Costello, Thomas 'Ta' Power, Ronnie Bunting and Dominic McGlinchey are, and always will be held in high esteem by most Republicans. Men that became infamous and struck fear into the hearts of the British Army and loyalists alike.
What some may find hard to swallow is the announcement this month that the INLA have put their weapons beyond use, a move the (Provisional) IRA has previously made.
There were few noticeable comments and unpredictable statements from the British or Irish Govts or fellow republicans, but surely there must be some discontent from within the IRSM ranks.
Should the INLA of taken this step? Surrending arms to the enemy is always going to be divisive, but with the cessation of military activities for some years, and identical arms moves from the UDA, UVF and SE Antrim UDA, was there really any other viable options in the long-term? I don't think so.
I just hope that the Irish Republican Socialist Party can benefit from this and continue to do their good work for the working-class people of Ireland, whether it be in the Lower Falls, South Derry or Strabane.
2010 will be a key year for the IRSM and I, for one cannot wait to see what develops for the movement.
Men like Seamus Costello, Thomas 'Ta' Power, Ronnie Bunting and Dominic McGlinchey are, and always will be held in high esteem by most Republicans. Men that became infamous and struck fear into the hearts of the British Army and loyalists alike.
What some may find hard to swallow is the announcement this month that the INLA have put their weapons beyond use, a move the (Provisional) IRA has previously made.
There were few noticeable comments and unpredictable statements from the British or Irish Govts or fellow republicans, but surely there must be some discontent from within the IRSM ranks.
Should the INLA of taken this step? Surrending arms to the enemy is always going to be divisive, but with the cessation of military activities for some years, and identical arms moves from the UDA, UVF and SE Antrim UDA, was there really any other viable options in the long-term? I don't think so.
I just hope that the Irish Republican Socialist Party can benefit from this and continue to do their good work for the working-class people of Ireland, whether it be in the Lower Falls, South Derry or Strabane.
2010 will be a key year for the IRSM and I, for one cannot wait to see what develops for the movement.
Sinn Féin Cuige Uladh AGM
AGM marks success of Sinn Féin’s strategy
BY EMMA CLANCY
“THE success of the Sinn Féin strategy was clearly illustrated in the outcome of the Hillsborough negotiations,” leading republican Sean ‘Spike’ Murray told hundreds of party activists at an upbeat and confident Cúige Uladh AGM on Saturday 6 February in County Tyrone.
To resounding applause, the Cúige Uladh chairperson said: “The party’s negotiating team deserve our congratulations for having done such competent and professional work in trying circumstances during the negotiations.”
Murray told the meeting, chaired by Agriculture Minister Michelle Gildernew, that the party had successfully contributed to creating the political conditions where major progress could be made towards implementing the outstanding issues of the Good Friday and St. Andrew’s agreements – in the face of political unionism’s determination to resist change.
“While this progress is very significant, it doesn’t change the fundamental nature of power-sharing,” Murray said. “The DUP’s mindset has not changed. The successful devolution of policing and justice powers to the Six Counties will simply mean another front is opened up in the ongoing struggle to ensure that inequality, discrimination and privilege are overcome, while we continue to organise for Irish unity.”
Murray said this demonstrated the need to increase political strength and said the upcoming Westminster election would be key to doing this.
PRIORITY CAMPAIGNS
Reflecting on the past year, Murray said that as well as topping the poll in June’s European Parliament election, cuige activists had successfully campaigned around a range of issues – including building solidarity with the besieged people of Gaza, pushing for progressive reform of the North’s discriminatory education system in the face of fierce opposition, and fighting to defend public services. Outlining the cuige’s priorities for the near future, he said all party activists and supporters were now focusing on mobilising to make the Westminster elections as successful as possible.
“This year also marks the 40th anniversary of the defence of the Falls Road, St Matthew’s and the Falls Curfew,” Murray said. “These are important historical and political events so Sinn Féin will be mobilising to ensure that they are commemorated while at the same time providing us with an opportunity, especially for the younger generation, to reflect upon and learn the lessons of history.”
He finished by saying that the challenges facing the party mean the cuige needs to pursue a vigorous recruitment campaign, with a particular emphasis on increasing the number of young people and women in the party. The AGM heard political reports on the 26 Counties, the Six Counties, the work of Ógra Shinn Féin and the cúige’s trade union work.
Read More HERE
Basque Solidarity Day - Dublin
On Saturday, February 13th, more than a dozen éirígí activists attended a picket in Dublin in solidarity with the Basque struggle for Independence. The O’Connell Street protest was organised by the Dublin Basque Solidarity Committee.
Up to 60 people, turned out to show their ongoing support to the Basque people, at a time when the Basques are facing a fierce onslaught from both the French and Spanish states. The protesters included a sizable numbers of Basques currently living in Ireland, who held a huge Basque flag which carried the message:
‘SPANISH AND FRENCH STATE REPRESSION WILL NEVER SILENCE BASQUE EXPRESSION’
The event, which lasted well over an hour, concluded with a short speech from Diarmuid Breathnach, Chairperson of the Dublin Basque Solidarity Committee.
Diarmuid thanked supporters for attending and spoke of the importance of international solidarity actions with the Basque country, particularly as Spain currently holds the presidency of the EU. The protest came to a close with the singing of a Basque anthem, by members of the Basque community who were present.
Speaking after the protest, éirígí spokesperson, Daithí Mac An Mháistír said, “Today’s protest is important as it shows the people of the Basque country that they have many friends and comrades here in Ireland, who will stand in solidarity with them against their oppressors. Today’s protest is also important as it brings the message home to the people of Dublin, that the so-called democratic states of France and Spain are guilty of the most appalling human rights abuses in the Basque country.
“éirígí supports the demands of the Basque Country for independence, and for our part, we will continue to do what we can in Ireland to highlight the repressive actions of the French and Spanish States.”
Fermanagh Ógra Hold Basque Information Stall
Fermanagh Ógra Shinn Féin were on the streets of Enniskillen at the weekend. They held an information stall and leaflet drop in the town centre to mark international solidarity week with the Basque country. Various actions nationwide were drawing attention to the Basque struggle and Fermanagh were no different.
The Ógra activists were accompanied by senior party activists from the town including Debbie Coyle. Throughout the day the Ógra activists engaged with members of the public on the issue of the current repression in the Basque country.
According to Fermanagh Ógra activist Chris Conwell the activists got a good response from the local people they spoke to:
“We are here today to highlight and call for an end to the repressive measures in the Basque country. The response from the public has been very good. Many were shocked to hear of what is happening currently in the Basque country.
“Such an increase in repression is counter productive and flies in the face of recent moves by the left independence movement. In recent months we have seen the pro independence movement set out their vision for the future of the Basque country.
“In it, the pro-Independence Left declares without reservations "support for a peaceful, political and democratic process in order to achieve an inclusive democracy, where the Basque people, freely and without any intimidation of any kind, will be able to decide their future.” They have highlighted the need to initiate a democratic solution to the Basque conflict. However in the following days the pro independence movement was given the answer to their endeavors to bring forward a democratic process when over 30 youth activists were arrested in dawn raids throughout the Basque country.
“The ‘crime’ of these young people was to organise and promote political ideals of Basque independence and socialism.
“We support the fundamental human, civil and political rights of the Basque people as laid out in the UN declaration of human rights and call upon the Spanish and indeed the French to end their repressive measures in the Basque country.
Volunteer Edward O'Brien (1974-1996)
Vol Ed O'Brien was a member of the Irish Republican Army, who was killed on Active Service on 18th February 1996.
He was originally from Gorey in County Wexford, a county which produced such great republicans as James Parle, John Creane and Patrick Hogan. As a young man he was a promising gaelic sports enthusiast and boxer. After joining the IRA in 1992 he became active in an Active Service Unit based in England.
While carrying an explosive device in London in February 1996, a tragic accident happened and it exploded, killing brave Edward.
It happened just nine days after the Docklands bombing operation in London.
Ed is buried in St. Michael's Cemetery in Gorey
Rest In Peace Comrade
He was originally from Gorey in County Wexford, a county which produced such great republicans as James Parle, John Creane and Patrick Hogan. As a young man he was a promising gaelic sports enthusiast and boxer. After joining the IRA in 1992 he became active in an Active Service Unit based in England.
While carrying an explosive device in London in February 1996, a tragic accident happened and it exploded, killing brave Edward.
It happened just nine days after the Docklands bombing operation in London.
Ed is buried in St. Michael's Cemetery in Gorey
Rest In Peace Comrade
Friday, 5 February 2010
Volunteer Frank Stagg (1942-1976)
Frank Stagg (Above) was an Irish Republican and Volunteer, who died on Hunger Strike, in 1976, inside Wakefield Prison.
Like his comrade Michael Gaughan, he was originally from County Mayo. After leaving School he left for London, working as a Bus Conductor and Driver, but all the while not forgotting his convictions and political beliefs.
At that time Sinn Féin had Cumáinn all over England, and he joined the Luton Cumann, which took in members from North of London, Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire. He soon became an active IRA Volunteer.
Frank was arrested in 1973, accused of being a member of an Active Service Unit. Among those arrested was the English Priest,Father Patrick Fell.
After being transfered from Albany Prison, to Parkhurst he joined the Hunger Strike. Following the strike, he was sent to Wakefield Prison, where he started another strike, he died after 62 days on 12 February 1976.
He was buried in the family plot in Ballina, Co. Mayo, before being re-intered in the Republican Plot by Republicans later that year.
Rest In Peace Frank
Tuesday, 2 February 2010
Volunteer James McDade (1946-1974)
James Patrick McDade was a Volunteer in the England Department of the Irish Republican Army.
He was originally from Ardoyne, in North Belfast and went to Holy Cross School. His brother,Gerard was also an IRA Volunteer who was killed by the British Army in 1971.
James emigrated to Birmingham and soon after joined the IRA, becoming a member of an Active Service Unit.
Unfortunately, James was killed in a premature explosion in November 1974 in Coventry.
The Republican Movement in England planned a Guard of Honour for James'funeral, but this was prevented by the Catholic Archbishop of Birmingham. His remains were eventually flown to Dublin, where the IRA took him to Belfast for the funeral. There were many tributes, including from the Coventry Cumann, Sinn Féin, GHQ Staff and Oglaigh Na hEireann (England).
Belfast Republican Liam Hannaway was the main speaker at the funeral. He was buried with a firing party and full military honours in Milltown Cemetery.
He was originally from Ardoyne, in North Belfast and went to Holy Cross School. His brother,Gerard was also an IRA Volunteer who was killed by the British Army in 1971.
James emigrated to Birmingham and soon after joined the IRA, becoming a member of an Active Service Unit.
Unfortunately, James was killed in a premature explosion in November 1974 in Coventry.
The Republican Movement in England planned a Guard of Honour for James'funeral, but this was prevented by the Catholic Archbishop of Birmingham. His remains were eventually flown to Dublin, where the IRA took him to Belfast for the funeral. There were many tributes, including from the Coventry Cumann, Sinn Féin, GHQ Staff and Oglaigh Na hEireann (England).
Belfast Republican Liam Hannaway was the main speaker at the funeral. He was buried with a firing party and full military honours in Milltown Cemetery.
Sunday, 31 January 2010
Volunteer Michael Gaughan (1949-1974)
Over the next few weeks, I will be taking the opportunity to detail those martyrs of the IRA's England Department who have died on active service. First up is the Mayo Volunteer, Michael Gaughan
Michael Gaughan (5 October 1949 – 3 June 1974) was a Volunteer of Oglaigh Na hEireann who died on hunger strike in Parkhurst Prison, Isle of Wight.
He was originally from Ballina in County Mayo, and after he finished school, he emigrated to England, settling in London. There he became active in Clann Na hEireann, which was the Official Sinn Féin organisation in Britain. He later become an active IRA Volunteer.
In 1971 he was senteced to 7 years in prison for his part in a fundraising operation. In 1974, Michael, along with Paul Holme, Hugh Feeney and Frank Stagg followed the Price sisters on the political status hunger strike.
After 64 days on the strike, which included force-feeding, Michael died.
Over 3,000 mourners lined the streets of Kilburn, London when Michael's coffin passed. His official funeral and burial took place in his home town of Ballina, in which 50,000 attended.
A True Son of Erin, and a Patriot we can all be proud of.
Rest In Peace Comrade
Tuesday, 26 January 2010
Bloody Sunday 2010 (Sinn Féin Events)
Bloody Sunday Events 2010
• Monday 25 January
8pm: Film ‘The US vs John Lennon’
Venue: The Nerve Centre, Magazine Street. Adm £2
• Tuesday 26 January
8pm: Film and discussion ‘Five Minutes of Heaven’
Venue: The Nerve Centre, Adm £2
• Wednesday 27 January
8pm: Film and discussion ‘Not In Our Name’
Venue: The Nerve Centre, Magazine Street. Adm £2
10pm: Pub Quiz, Bloody Sunday Memorial Shield
Venue: The Beechtree Bar, Adm £10 per team of five
• Thursday 28 January
8pm: Raiders Of The Lost Archives
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Gt James St. Adm by donation
• Friday 29 January
12pm: Eyewitness walking tour
Departs: Museum of Free Derry
1.30pm - 3pm: Film and discussion ‘Justice Denied: Voices from Guantanamo’
Venue: Pilots Row. Adm Free
6pm-9pm: Acoustic Set
Venue: Mason’s Bar, Magazine Street. Adm Free
7.30pm: Set the Truth Free Lecture
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin. Adm by donation
10pm: Film ‘Sunday’ followed by Music
Venue: Sean Dolan’s GAA, Creggan. Adm Free
• Saturday 30 January
10am - 11.30am: Film ‘Octobre a Paris’
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Seomra 2.
10.30am - 3.45pm: Training Workshop ‘Non-violent action for Social Justice’
Venue: Pilot’s Row. Participation by donation, includes soup lunch
12pm - 1.30pm: Panel Discussion ‘Losing Their Memory’
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Seomra 2
12pm - 1.30pm: Ógra Shinn Féin Basque event
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Performance area
2pm - 3.45pm: Youth for Truth
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Performance area
4pm: Minutes Silence to mark the time of the shooting on Bloody Sunday
Venue: Bloody Sunday Monument, Rossville Street.
7.30pm: Bloody Sunday Fundraiser
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Performance area. Adm £5. Space limited so come early.
8pm: Film and discussion ‘Sunday’
Venue: The Nerve Centre. Adm £2
10.30pm: Music by Gary Óg
Venue: Telstar, Central Drive. Adm Free
10.30pm: Music by Cruncher O’Neill
Venue: Dungloe Bar, Waterloo Street. Adm Free
• Sunday 31 January
11am: Wreath laying ceremony and prayer service
Venue: Bloody Sunday Monument, Rossville Street. All welcome.
2.30pm: Bloody Sunday Commemorative March and Rally
Assemble: 2.30pm, Creggan Shops.
6pm: Music and Refreshments
Venue: Sandino’s, Water Street
6pm: Music by Gary Óg
Venue: Telstar. Adm Free
6pm: Music by Cruncher O’Neill
Venue: Dungloe Bar. Adm Free
6pm-8pm: Music by Barry Kerr
Venue: Mason’s Bar. Adm Free
9.30pm: Music by Gary Óg and Cruncher O’Neill
Venue: Sandino’s. Adm Free
• Monday 1 February
2pm-4pm: Music by Gary Óg
Venue: Telstar, Central Drive. Adm Free
Bloody Sunday Trust, c/o Museum of Free Derry, 55 Glenfada Park, Derry BT48 9DR
Tel: (028) 7136 0880 Fax: (028) 7138 0881 Email: admin@bloodysundaytrust.org
• Monday 25 January
8pm: Film ‘The US vs John Lennon’
Venue: The Nerve Centre, Magazine Street. Adm £2
• Tuesday 26 January
8pm: Film and discussion ‘Five Minutes of Heaven’
Venue: The Nerve Centre, Adm £2
• Wednesday 27 January
8pm: Film and discussion ‘Not In Our Name’
Venue: The Nerve Centre, Magazine Street. Adm £2
10pm: Pub Quiz, Bloody Sunday Memorial Shield
Venue: The Beechtree Bar, Adm £10 per team of five
• Thursday 28 January
8pm: Raiders Of The Lost Archives
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Gt James St. Adm by donation
• Friday 29 January
12pm: Eyewitness walking tour
Departs: Museum of Free Derry
1.30pm - 3pm: Film and discussion ‘Justice Denied: Voices from Guantanamo’
Venue: Pilots Row. Adm Free
6pm-9pm: Acoustic Set
Venue: Mason’s Bar, Magazine Street. Adm Free
7.30pm: Set the Truth Free Lecture
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin. Adm by donation
10pm: Film ‘Sunday’ followed by Music
Venue: Sean Dolan’s GAA, Creggan. Adm Free
• Saturday 30 January
10am - 11.30am: Film ‘Octobre a Paris’
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Seomra 2.
10.30am - 3.45pm: Training Workshop ‘Non-violent action for Social Justice’
Venue: Pilot’s Row. Participation by donation, includes soup lunch
12pm - 1.30pm: Panel Discussion ‘Losing Their Memory’
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Seomra 2
12pm - 1.30pm: Ógra Shinn Féin Basque event
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Performance area
2pm - 3.45pm: Youth for Truth
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Performance area
4pm: Minutes Silence to mark the time of the shooting on Bloody Sunday
Venue: Bloody Sunday Monument, Rossville Street.
7.30pm: Bloody Sunday Fundraiser
Venue: Cultúrlann Uí Chanáin, Performance area. Adm £5. Space limited so come early.
8pm: Film and discussion ‘Sunday’
Venue: The Nerve Centre. Adm £2
10.30pm: Music by Gary Óg
Venue: Telstar, Central Drive. Adm Free
10.30pm: Music by Cruncher O’Neill
Venue: Dungloe Bar, Waterloo Street. Adm Free
• Sunday 31 January
11am: Wreath laying ceremony and prayer service
Venue: Bloody Sunday Monument, Rossville Street. All welcome.
2.30pm: Bloody Sunday Commemorative March and Rally
Assemble: 2.30pm, Creggan Shops.
6pm: Music and Refreshments
Venue: Sandino’s, Water Street
6pm: Music by Gary Óg
Venue: Telstar. Adm Free
6pm: Music by Cruncher O’Neill
Venue: Dungloe Bar. Adm Free
6pm-8pm: Music by Barry Kerr
Venue: Mason’s Bar. Adm Free
9.30pm: Music by Gary Óg and Cruncher O’Neill
Venue: Sandino’s. Adm Free
• Monday 1 February
2pm-4pm: Music by Gary Óg
Venue: Telstar, Central Drive. Adm Free
Bloody Sunday Trust, c/o Museum of Free Derry, 55 Glenfada Park, Derry BT48 9DR
Tel: (028) 7136 0880 Fax: (028) 7138 0881 Email: admin@bloodysundaytrust.org
Sinn Féin Politicians Visit Gaza
Sinn Féin representatives Bairbre de Brún MEP, Mayor of Derry City, Councillor Paul Fleming and Derry City Councillor Gerry MacLochlainn were among a contingent of 50 politicians from 13 different European countries who travelled into the Gaza Strip on Friday, entering the Palestinian region at the normally closed Rafah crossing. The heavily fortified frontier was opened on Friday in order to admit the large number of foreign politicians.
Firinne Protest Against Section 44
Fírinne in Fermanagh, the group that campaigns on behalf of victims of British state violence, protested against the stop & search powers being used by the PSNI on Tuesday night [January 19].
Members and supporters of Fírinne gathered outside the Killyhevlin Hotel in Enniskillen where a Six-County Policing Board meeting was taking place to highlight the recent ruling by the European Court of Human Rights that the use of stop & search under the British government’s Section 44 and the Justice & Security Act is unlawful.
The PSNI displayed their usual disregard for the right to peaceful assembly by videoing the demonstrators and noting down the car registration numbers of local people.
Bernice Swift, the project manager of Fírinne and an independent republican councillor in Fermanagh, attended the protest.
“The Strasbourg court ruled it was unlawful for police to use the powers, under section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000, to stop and search people without needing any grounds for suspicion, further adding that the way they were authorised, were ‘neither sufficiently circumscribed, nor subject to adequate legal safeguards against abuse’,” Swift said.
“Unanimous agreement by European judges said the power to search a person's clothing and belongings in public included elements of humiliation and embarrassment which was a clear interference with the right to privacy. One example in Fermanagh, where one young man was stopped and searched three times in two hours was wholly unacceptable, and has now been ruled as illegal
Thursday, 21 January 2010
Kidnapping Of Comrade Sa'adat - 8th Anniversary
The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine denounced the Palestinian Authority and its security forces for the kidnapping of its General Secretary, Comrade Ahmad Sa'adat on January 15, 2002, on the eighth anniversary of that plot to arrest Comrade Sa'adat at the behest of the occupation. On January 13, 2010, the PFLP called upon all to learn from the lessons and experiences of relying on U.S. and Israeli promises and warned against tampering with the Palestinian home front with schemes of security cooperaiton that only serve the occupation and its goals of liquidating proven and reliable national leadership.
The kidnapping of Comrade Sa'adat by PA security forces after luring him to a meeting under false pretenses in Ramallah followed upon occupation demands to imprison the leader after the liquidation by the PFLP of the symbol of extremism, the racist Zionist tourism minister Rehavam Ze'evi, in response to the assassination of PFLP General Secretary Abu Ali Mustafa.
The PFLP said at the time and reiterated today that the Palestinian Authority security forces arresting the General Secretary of a Palestinian political party and resistance faction, a leader of the Palestinian national movement and the Palestine Liberation Organization, set an unacceptable and dangerous precedent. The Front emphasized that this action was a departure from all norms of handling internal disputes and crossed all red lines in the internal Palestinian arena, in response to the demands and dictates of the occupation
The Case Of Jon Anza
Evil might not shoot, kill, maim, torture, mutilate, disfigure or strangle. Evil might not even call openly for these things to happen to opponents. Evil can be the simple act of staying silent.
Spain has, this month, taken on the presidency of the European Union for six months. The fact is that the Spanish Civil Guard, police and military are shooting, torturing, mutilating and kidnapping political opponents of the Spanish government, while the courts, in turn, imprison youth group members, politicians, journalists and language activists. Nothing is ever heard in ‘mainstream’ society about these attacks on democracy. It seems that the media throughout Europe think that it would be impolite to highlight these daily echoes of Franco’s dictatorship.
To reveal the lack of democracy at the heart of the Spanish state might threaten the illusion that the European Union has any democratic credentials itself.
Probably the most shocking case to have emerged inside the last year of Spain’s Dirty War against Basque citizens is the disappearance of Jon Anza.
Anza is originally from Donostia [San Sebastián] in the Spanish occupied part of the Basque Country. For his involvement in the national independence struggle, he was imprisoned in 1982 and remained incarcerated for over 12 years. After his release and, with mounting harassment from Spanish state forces, Anza decided to move to the French occupied part of the Basque Country – to live in exile in order to have some quality of life for himself and his family.
In Baiona on April 18 2009 at 7am Jon was boarding a train for Toulouse. He was waved off on his journey by his partner, having told her that he was travelling to meet up with friends. She had no contact with Jon in the days that followed but this didn’t immediately worry her. It wasn’t until April 24 when Jon missed an appointment with his doctor that his partner became concerned.
Jon has an illness which impairs his sight, he is almost blind, and he needs regular medical treatment. In the weeks that followed, his relatives and friends waited for news but, when nothing happened, they decided to act. On May 16 relatives of Jon, his lawyer and a member of Askatasuna, the Basque organisation for political prisoners, held a press conference in Baiona. They told of how they feared for Jon’s safety. They recounted the stories from the 1970s and ’80s when Spanish state forces had kidnapped, tortured and killed Basques living in the French occupied zone. They told of how they now feared that Jon may have met a similar fate. They were asking for help.
People from all over the Basque Country responded. In less than a week, over 1,000 people took to the streets of Baiona to protest. Days later, 500 people gathered in Biarritz demanding to know the whereabouts of Jon.
Two weeks after the press conference, hundreds of protests that are held around the Basque Country every month to remember Basque political prisoners were focused on the plight of Jon Anza and banners and placards asked the simple question ‘Non da Jon?’ [Where is Jon?]. More protests followed, over 4,000 turned out in Donostia; banners, stickers, posters and graffiti showed a simple picture of Jon and all asked the same question; his girlfriend gave an emotional interview to the Basque media, but still no news.
Read more here
Stop And Searches Treble In The North
Police tripled their use of stop-and-search in Northern Ireland last year, Policing Board figures have revealed.
In 2008/9, the PSNI used the anti-terror legislation almost 10,000 times, compared to 3,234 incidents in 2007/8.
Section 44 of the Terrorism Act, which allows police to act without reasonable suspicion, was last week ruled illegal by the European Court of Human Rights.
A NI Policing Board report has said it must not be seen as an easy alternative to traditional policing methods.
The rise in Section 44 searches in Northern Ireland followed an increase in dissident republican attacks.
The board's Human Rights Report, published on Thursday, said officers should be fully briefed about the extent of the power and how it is to be used.
"The Section 44 authorisation should never be viewed as an easy alternative to the Police and Criminal Evidence (Pace) power; police officers should resist the temptation to resort to Section 44 because he or she need not have reasonable grounds for suspicion," the report stated.
In 2008/9, the PSNI used the anti-terror legislation almost 10,000 times, compared to 3,234 incidents in 2007/8.
Section 44 of the Terrorism Act, which allows police to act without reasonable suspicion, was last week ruled illegal by the European Court of Human Rights.
A NI Policing Board report has said it must not be seen as an easy alternative to traditional policing methods.
The rise in Section 44 searches in Northern Ireland followed an increase in dissident republican attacks.
The board's Human Rights Report, published on Thursday, said officers should be fully briefed about the extent of the power and how it is to be used.
"The Section 44 authorisation should never be viewed as an easy alternative to the Police and Criminal Evidence (Pace) power; police officers should resist the temptation to resort to Section 44 because he or she need not have reasonable grounds for suspicion," the report stated.
Palestinian Graves Attacked By Settlers
Damaged graves and racist graffiti have been found in the Palestinian village of Awarta in the northern West Bank after a Jewish group visited the area.
Palestinians told an Israeli rights group they saw Jewish pilgrims and Israeli soldiers in the area which is also a Jewish burial site, on Tuesday.
The Israeli military says it is investigating the incident.
On Tuesday 10 people from a nearby settlement were arrested and questioned over an arson attack on a mosque.
At least two tombstones were damaged in the cemetery outside the village, and food and rubbish were left on graves.
In the village, offensive slogans about Arabs were found scrawled in Hebrew, English and Russian.
Israelis are forbidden from entering Awarta, but the Israeli military occasionally organises group trips for settlers to visit nearby Jewish tombs.
Palestinians told the Israeli rights group B'tselem that such a visit had taken place on Tuesday night, and the damage was discovered on Wednesday morning.
B'tselem said the tombs may have been ones that had been previously broken and repaired.
Saturday, 16 January 2010
500 Candidates Barred From Iraq Election
Iraq's election commission has barred almost 500 candidates from running in national elections on 7 March.
A committee that vets candidates says some of those banned had ties to the outlawed Baath party, once led by Saddam Hussein.
Those barred are believed to include prominent Sunni Arab politicians. The formal list of barred candidates has not been released.
There is a formal process through which barred candidates can appeal.
Defence Minister Abdulqadir al-Obeidi and the nationalist politician Saleh al-Mutlak are reported to be among the 499 candidates barred from standing in the parliamentary election on 7 March.
Mr Obeidi was intending to run as a candidate for Prime Minister Nouri Maliki's State of Law coalition.
Saleh al-Mutlak is an MP and heads the Iraqi Front for National Dialogue, which performed well in last years local elections in Sunni Arab areas.
Mr Mutlak, a former Baath party member, has formed an electoral alliance with other prominent Sunni politicians and the former Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi.
The decisions were partly made by the Justice and Accountability Commission, which is responsible for ensuring the outlawed Baath party does not make a comeback in Iraqi politics.
Some analysts have criticised the body and the election commission for its alleged partiality and ties to Shia religious parties
Looks to me as if the British and US governments are manipulating the Iraqi election for their own gains, surely they cannot let the Iraqi people have a democratic say in their own futures as they may elect someone who are not to the Occupiers liking.
Some candidates have pasts in the Baath party - so what? Did everyone involved in the Nazi Party in Germany or Fascist Party in Italy get banned from ever running from public office? Especially with a party like the Baath party, where I imagine membership were key and vital to your security and future prosperity.
I predict many Sunni citizens in Iraq will boycott the election as they did in 2005, leading to a more unfair society and more violence.
As the Communist Party of Iraq collabarates with the occupier, I will be supporting the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq
A committee that vets candidates says some of those banned had ties to the outlawed Baath party, once led by Saddam Hussein.
Those barred are believed to include prominent Sunni Arab politicians. The formal list of barred candidates has not been released.
There is a formal process through which barred candidates can appeal.
Defence Minister Abdulqadir al-Obeidi and the nationalist politician Saleh al-Mutlak are reported to be among the 499 candidates barred from standing in the parliamentary election on 7 March.
Mr Obeidi was intending to run as a candidate for Prime Minister Nouri Maliki's State of Law coalition.
Saleh al-Mutlak is an MP and heads the Iraqi Front for National Dialogue, which performed well in last years local elections in Sunni Arab areas.
Mr Mutlak, a former Baath party member, has formed an electoral alliance with other prominent Sunni politicians and the former Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi.
The decisions were partly made by the Justice and Accountability Commission, which is responsible for ensuring the outlawed Baath party does not make a comeback in Iraqi politics.
Some analysts have criticised the body and the election commission for its alleged partiality and ties to Shia religious parties
Looks to me as if the British and US governments are manipulating the Iraqi election for their own gains, surely they cannot let the Iraqi people have a democratic say in their own futures as they may elect someone who are not to the Occupiers liking.
Some candidates have pasts in the Baath party - so what? Did everyone involved in the Nazi Party in Germany or Fascist Party in Italy get banned from ever running from public office? Especially with a party like the Baath party, where I imagine membership were key and vital to your security and future prosperity.
I predict many Sunni citizens in Iraq will boycott the election as they did in 2005, leading to a more unfair society and more violence.
As the Communist Party of Iraq collabarates with the occupier, I will be supporting the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq
Monday, 11 January 2010
Politics/Classics Recommendations
Delving away from the interesting world of international politics for a split second, I would like to take this opportunity to recommend some books I have read and found extremely entertaining and helpful.
Although mostly classics, they are useful for their philosophy, insight and politics, some of which is still relevant today.
So here they are: (I had about of a problem uploading the images, So I have posted links instead)
The Prince/Il Principe by Niccolo Macchiavelli
The Twelve Caesars by Suetonius
The Annals Of Imperial Rome by Tacitus
The Iliad by Homer
Select Works by Tullius Cicero
The IRA by Tim Pat Coogan
Bandit Country The IRA & South
Armagh
De Bello Gallico by Julius Caesar
Although mostly classics, they are useful for their philosophy, insight and politics, some of which is still relevant today.
So here they are: (I had about of a problem uploading the images, So I have posted links instead)
The Prince/Il Principe by Niccolo Macchiavelli
The Twelve Caesars by Suetonius
The Annals Of Imperial Rome by Tacitus
The Iliad by Homer
Select Works by Tullius Cicero
The IRA by Tim Pat Coogan
Bandit Country The IRA & South
Armagh
De Bello Gallico by Julius Caesar
Beginning Of The End For Stormont?
DUP leader Peter Robinson is to step down as Northern Ireland First Minister for six weeks amid the storm over his wife's private life and finances.
Mr Robinson has designated Enterprise Minister Arlene Foster to take charge with immediate effect.
Mr Robinson is facing a claim that he knew his wife obtained £50,000 from two developers for her teenage lover but did not tell the proper authorities.
The NI assembly is to investigate the conduct of both Robinsons
Swapping Peter Robinson for Arlene Foster may not seem like a big shift, even for six weeks but she has shown herself to be one of the most hardline unionists and certainly not a friend to the nationalist community.
In all honesty I was expecting Gregory Campbell or Nigel Dodds to take over.
The next six months are sure to test the longevity and effectiveness of the Stormont Assembley. An election due for May/June will pit the DUP against a resurgent UUP and the TUV are sure to make gains. I expect Arlene and the DUP may now take a hardline against Sinn Féin and nationalists in order to make them seem more appealing to people thinking about jumping ship to the TUV.
Even in North Belfast it is not inconcievable that Gerry Kelly can win the seat if a split happens in the Unionist vote.
2010 is sure to be make or break for Stormont...
Friday, 8 January 2010
In Memory Of Fergal Caraher
Fergal Caraher
Murdered 30th December 1990 by the British Army - Royal Marines
Fergal was killed after being cleared through an Army check point in Cullyhanna, South Armagh on 30/12/90. Members of the Royal Marines opened fire without warning killing Fergal and seriously wounding his brother Michéal. Two soldiers were later charged but acquitted in a Dip lock court. Fergal was 20 years old, married with a 15 month old son, Brendan. Fergal was the 5th eldest in a family of nine.
Fergal was a dedicated republican and hardworking member of Sinn Féin from an honourable Republican family in the town of Cullyhanna, County Armagh.
He will always be remembered in Cullyhanna and across Ireland and by comrades here in Britain for his hard work and unflinching conviction.
One of many cases of murder and injustice in Ireland, yet to be concluded - but we will never give up the search for justice.
Fógraí bháis: Frances-Mary Blake
FRIENDS and acquaintances of Frances-Mary Blake will be saddened to hear of her death, aged 70, in December.
A reseacher and writer on the Irish Civil War, she was a member of the Troops Out Movement, a supporter of Irish political prisoners and their families, and an activist on human rights and justice generally
In the mid-1970s, she sorted and catalogued one of the largest collections of historical documents of the Civil War period for the Archives Department of University College Dublin. Following her work on the papers of IRA officer Ernie O’Malley, she edited his best-selling book on the Civil War, ‘The Singing Flame’. Frances also worked on and wrote the introduction for ‘Raids and Rallies’, another book extracted from O’Malley’s papers about the Tan War. Later she wrote ‘The Irish Civil War – and what it still means for the Irish people’, which outlined her own views of that period.
I offer my sincere condolences to Frances-Mary's family at this difficult time. Please remember a true Friend Of Ireland
Catalan Towns Vote For Independence
THE movement in support of Catalan independence received a powerful boost last month when residents in 167 towns and villages voted overwhelmingly for a “social, democratic and independent Catalan state” in symbolic referenda.
Although the poll, held on 13 December, was non-binding, the massive ‘Yes’ vote by hundreds of thousands of people – 94% of those who voted – reflects the growing support at all levels of Catalan society for independence from Spain.
Areas that voted represented about 15% of Catalonia, a nation of 11 million people, and voter turnout was about 30%.
The towns that had organised the poll did so despite Madrid’s opposition, which the Government tried to portray as scornful indifference. The poll followed a similar non-binding referendum held on 13 September in the small town of Arenys de Munt, home to 8,000 people.
Speaking to An Phoblacht this week about the September vote, Catalan independence activist Lluís Sales i Favà said:
“More than an isolated event, the Arenys referendum gives us some clues on the current Catalan atmosphere. Many political commentators have cited it as part of the death throes of the current political system.”
Although the poll, held on 13 December, was non-binding, the massive ‘Yes’ vote by hundreds of thousands of people – 94% of those who voted – reflects the growing support at all levels of Catalan society for independence from Spain.
Areas that voted represented about 15% of Catalonia, a nation of 11 million people, and voter turnout was about 30%.
The towns that had organised the poll did so despite Madrid’s opposition, which the Government tried to portray as scornful indifference. The poll followed a similar non-binding referendum held on 13 September in the small town of Arenys de Munt, home to 8,000 people.
Speaking to An Phoblacht this week about the September vote, Catalan independence activist Lluís Sales i Favà said:
“More than an isolated event, the Arenys referendum gives us some clues on the current Catalan atmosphere. Many political commentators have cited it as part of the death throes of the current political system.”
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